Книги Маргалит Финкельберг: рецензии и обзоры
Подробнее о Маргалит Финкельберг (Маргарите Георгиевне Карпюк)
Margalit Finkelberg: Greeks and Pre-Greeks. Aegean Prehistory and
Greek Heroic Tradition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.
Rezensiert von: Jan Paul Crielaard
Department of Mediterranean Archaeology, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam
The Mycenaean civilization of the Late Bronze Age represents the first
Hochkultur in the Aegean for which we have historical documentation.
At the same time, it is sometimes regarded as a Heroic Age - a dim
era, glimpses of which can be found in later Greek myth. This makes
the second millennium a sort of dark age, in which the foundations of
Classical Greek civilization were laid but that above all is a period
that accommodates various peculiarities of Greek mythology, such as
matriarchy, human sacrifice, and dynastic rule by eastern kings and
princesses. According to this view, the second millennium is both the
founding era and the antithesis of the Classical period.
Margalit Finkelberg's book stands in the latter tradition. Starting
from the position that the oral heroic tradition preserves a memory of
momentous historic events, her aim is to show that "historical myth" -
as she labels it - can be utilized as a source for studying the
pre-Hellenic or Aegean substratum of the Bronze Age. She considers
this substratum to be represented in such local dynasties as the
Inachids or Pelopids, which have a place in the Hellenic genealogy but
are not descendants of Hellen. In linguistic terms, they were speakers
of languages to which the pre-Greek suffixes -ss- and -nth-/-nd-
belonged. The spread of these suffixes over western Asia, Greece and
Crete suggests that this pre-Greek language was part of a wider group
of Anatolian languages that Finkelberg feels safe to identify as
Indo-European - more specifically Luwian, which in her view is also
the language of Linear A. In this manner the pre-Hellenic civilization
maintained ethnic, linguistic and cultural interconnections with the
civilizations of western Asia Minor and even the eastern
Mediterranean, "for the simple reason that the Anatolians of Asia
[...] cannot be taken separately from the great civilizations of the
Near East" (6).
Matrifocality is another aspect of affiliation with western Asiatic,
Indo-European culture. Finkelberg detects a pattern in a number of
myths in which the royal throne passes not from father to son but from
father to son-in-law (see e.g. Pelops). Kingship by marriage means
that dynastic succession took place through the female line, as it is
the queen who is succeeded by her daughter. Finkelberg also finds
evidence of this in the Old Hittite period. At the same time, there
are traces in Greek myth of a system of patrilinear descent.
Finkelberg seeks the explanation for this in a practice of rotational
succession between two or three patrilinear clans of neighbouring
kingdoms that had alternating access to the throne through marriage to
a local line of queens. The queen presumably was the priestess of the
mother goddess of the land. The exogamous marriages of the exiled
hero-becoming-king that we witness in myth probably testify to the
cultural assimilation of outsiders into the domestic group, with women
playing a crucial role as the consolidators of traditions and the
indigenous identity. The author concludes that in the course of the
second millennium, ethnic and cultural fusion took place between the
pre-Greek population and Greek-speaking groups that were infiltrating
from the north, resulting in a population of mixed descent ruled by a
multi-ethnic aristocracy.
Finkelberg turns to dialect geography to show that there was indeed no
break in linguistic or cultural continuity. Re-examining linguistic
interrelations between the historical Greek dialects, she argues that
until the collapse of the Mycenaean palace civilization there had been
a dialect continuum in most of the Greek territory which must have
developed without disruption, probably since the arrival of
Greek-speaking tribes at the end of the third millennium. Mapping the
respective positions of dialects within the dialect continuum, she
suggests a revised scheme for the original geography of Greek
settlement. In Finkelberg's reconstruction, during the Bronze Age
Cretan and Pamphylian, for instance, were spoken in Magnesia and
south-east Thessaly.
The real break coincides with the collapse of Mycenaean palatial
society. In the Catalogue of Women, the Race of Heroes is destroyed by
Zeus, who wants to put an end to unions between gods and mortals.
According to Finkelberg, this is a reflection of the abolition of the
Bronze Age practice of female exogamy and the institution of kingship
by marriage. Patrilinear succession became the norm, due to the influx
of fresh, Greek-speaking nomadic groups (e.g. the Dorians) and the
rise of the city-state. With this the role of the queen-priestess was
eroded and Bronze Age fertility goddesses such as Hera had to yield
their prominent position in the pantheon to Zeus. Pre-Greek elements
are hardly visible in the Homeric epics. Finkelberg suggests that they
were deliberately suppressed in order to create a foundation myth that
would enhance the consolidation of Bronze Age 'indigenes' and Iron Age
newcomers under the collective name of Hellenes, and a common identity
based on the idea of a shared past.
Together, the basic ideas of Finkelberg's argument make it clear that
this book contains a strong plea to return to a number of traditional
standpoints. It departs from the view that the ancient Greeks' Age of
Heroes equals our Bronze Age, and that careful analysis of later myths
can reveal facts about this historical period. It is an era determined
by migrations of culturally and ethnically homogeneous population
groups (107, 144); language is considered to overlap with ethnicity,
and is thus an index of migrations and tribal relations (109). Where
there is doubt, archaeology can help to evaluate the reliability of
the tradition. Certainly, the argument is presented with vigour and
contains much food for thought. For instance, the idea of matrilinear
succession explains remarkably well the constitutional crisis in
Ithaca at the beginning of the Odyssey (69-71). On the other hand,
archaeologists may be a little uneasy to find themselves projected
back into the 1950s with references to V. Desborough's identifying the
coming of the Dorians in the archaeological record (145), or LH IIIC
pottery being linked to Hesiod's end of the Race of Heroes (150),
nostos stories, and large-scale migrations of Achaeans to the eastern
Mediterranean (152-3).
Whether or not one is convinced by this book's general thesis is to a
large extent dependent on whether one accepts the author's use of myth
as a historical source (9-11, for methodological discussion). For
Finkelberg, myths have not only a kernel of historical truth, but also
a direct relationship with specific historical events (167-8), and the
author is prepared to take the information quite literally, for
example in the case of colonial foundation stories (102-6, 152) or
traditions about the coming of the Dorians (145-8). However, even if
one accepts that myths are history, not literature, and that the stuff
of which they are made are facts, not fiction, one may wonder why
Greek myth "invariably lead us to the Mycenaean civilisation" (11-2),
and not to, for example, the Middle Bronze Age or Early Iron Age.
Also, if one accepts that myth contains "a residue of its past
meaning" (11), one has to face the probability that this information
has reached us through a series of filters of successive generations;
a great problem is that we are not in a position to know what
'historical' information has been discarded along the way. More
sceptical scholars would point out that mythical stories show
alternative mythical variants and were constantly being revised. This
certainly also relates to local and pan-Hellenic genealogies that
until the mid sixth century were still highly dynamic. Another problem
is that traditions were frequently invented, especially in the context
of ethnogenesis - a mechanism that H.-J. Gehrke has called geglaubte
or intentionale Geschichte. Finkelberg reckons with the possibility
that the past was updated in order to shape a collective memory
(170-6), but the implicit assumption seems to be that this created an
anachronistic veneer under which a genuine Bronze Age tradition can be
discovered. In itself this may be possible, but given the reputation
of myth, this should be tested, using all possible external evidence.
For instance, Linear B documents or important funerary complexes such
as the Mycenaean shaft graves can provide interesting test cases for
theories about matrilinear succession and the hereditary social
position of women in their role as queen-priestess.
Margalit Finkelberg. The Birth of Literary Fiction in Ancient Greece. Oxford, 1998.
The purpose of this study is to find out how and why the "poetics of
fiction" arose, its sources, and the materials from which it was
created. A series of cultural choices made in archaic and classical
Greece produced a clash between the traditional "poetics of truth",
which derived poetry from divine inspiration and in the last analysis
did not construe the poem as a work of art at all, and the new
"poetics of fiction", which derived poetry from art. The eventual
succession of the latter, culminating with the Poetics of Aristotle,
amounted to an aesthetic revolution because, as a result of it,
literary fiction, which since then has become a necessary framework
for both the theory and practice of literature in Western tradition,
was for the first time separated from non-fiction and given a status
of its own. -- Reviews
"[A]n important and often engaging study." -- Religious Studies Review
"[T]here is much here to interest and challenge. Finkelberg is a clear
and energetic advocate of her views, and a superb logician....[a]
sober and thoroughly respectable account." -- Classical World
"Scholars of philosophy and literature will be most attracted to this
volume's sustained and disciplined argument, one that relies on
terminology developed in the first chapters and becomes increasingly
more refined as the book progresses...approach[es] weighty theoretical
questions in a readable and organized way." -- The Classical Outlook
Homer, the Bible, and Beyond: Literary and Religious Canons in the Ancient World
(Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture, 2) (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture, 2)
by Margalit Finkelberg and Gedaliahu A. G. Stroumsa
Reviewed by Pieter W. van der Horst, Utrecht University
(PvdHorst@theo.uu.nl)
In this volume, an international team of experts discusses the
processes of canon-formation in a wide range of societies of the
ancient world, addressing such issues as canon and the articulation of
identity, the hermeneutical attitude toward canonical texts, textual
fixity and openness, oral and written canons, methods of transmission,
and more. In an introductory essay, the editors put the contributions
into a wider perspective, with special reference to the modern debate
on the so-called 'Western canon' (Harold Bloom). Canon-formation is
about 'foundational texts' (exemplified in the book's title by Homer
and the Bible), which, "in that they embody the essentials of a given
community's collective self-consciousness, are the indispensable
factor by means of which its ethnic, cultural, or religious identity
is articulated" (5).
In his contribution on Mesopotamian canons, Veldhuis describes the Old
Babylonian canon around 1800 BCE, in which the Sumerian heritage is
recreated and used as inspiration for new compositions, and the
Neo-Assyrian canon around 700 BCE, where libraries have become
repositories of reliable knowledge and textuality is reflected upon.
The problem with this paper is that the author writes for specialists
in Assyriology so that much is far too technical for the average
classicist.
In his essay "How the Biblical Canon Began," Stephen Chapman first
sketches the standard critical theory regarding the canonization of
the Old Testament which conceived of three discrete acts of
canonization, one for each of the three subcollections of the canon
(Torah, Prophets, Writings). He next describes how this conception has
increasingly come under fire and why there is presently a
terminological impasse as far as the term 'canon' (and 'scripture') is
involved; the broad definition uses the criterion of religious
authority of written documents, the more narrow one speaks of canon
only in terms of a 'closed' list of sacred books. Chapman himself
defines canon as "an intertextual collection of scriptures" with a
history in which the broad and the narrow definition are only stages
in an evolving process. "The editors in the late stages of the
formation of the biblical books registered their assumptions that
these books belong together. ... Later canonical decisions were for
the most part confirmatory in nature, usually securing de jure
approval for writings that already possessed de facto authority."
(39-40). The article concludes with a number of important
methodological considerations.
"On Written Lies" is the title of a paper in which C. Grottanelli
tries to solve the baffling riddle of a text in the book of the
prophet Jeremiah (8:8-9) that seems to condemn Torah scribes as liars.
After a survey of previous exegetes including their hidden agenda's G.
proposes his own solution in what is, again, a rather too technical
article for a non-specialist.
In his contribution "Scripture and Exegesis in Zoroastrianism," Shaul
Shaked briefly but clearly sketches the great problems of dating
Zoroaster's life and the obscure early history of the sacred
Zoroastrian scriptures. He emphasizes that in their case canonization
certainly preceded the process of a written redaction, but at the same
time the written redaction did not stop the process of canonization
for "Zoroastrian traditions indicate that at certain times the scope
of the sacred canon of scriptures underwent considerable expansions,
and that, at other periods, it suffered from a substantial shrinking
or diminution" (67).
"Homer As a Foundational Text" is the contribution by Margalit
Finkelberg, in which she argues that "the Iliad and the Odyssey were
intended to supersede the other traditional epics from the very
beginning" (75). By incorporating many narrative elements from the
Cypria, Aithiopis, Iliou Persis etc., the Iliad and the Odyssey
"function as symbolic compendia of the entire history of the Trojan
War and the Returns.... By the very fact of reinterpreting the other
versions of the Trojan saga, Homer signalizes their subordinate status
as regards his own poems and privileges the version that he offers"
(78). His claim became universally accepted because his updating of
the past was purposefully and inseparably linked up with the
large-scale Panhellenic Renaissance of the 8th cent. BCE. Both
expressed "the same tendency towards establishing a continuity between
prehistoric and historic Greece that became dominant at that period"
(82). For that reason, epic traditions that offered alternative
versions of the end of Mycenaean Greece had to be marginalized. "As a
result, like the Bible and some other ancient corpora, Homer's became
a manifold text, which carried within itself both the original message
and its re-interpretation in the vein of later values" (90). That is
why Homer's text became 'foundational,' the 'Bible of the Greeks.' F.
devotes the final pages of her fine essay to the effects Homer's
sacrosanct status had upon the history of interpretation of his poems
from the 6th cent. BCE up to the late Byzantine era.
In "Two Points About Rhapsodes," Hayden Pelliccia argues convincingly
that there are strong reasons to believe that 6th and 5th cent. BCE
Athens (or Greece) "was a society that had an experience and
expectation of the verbatim repetition of precisely fixed poetic
texts" (102). Applied to Homer, this implies that "while there is no
direct evidence that supports the theory of a fluid, evolving, and
creative rhapsodic tradition in the late 6th and early 5th centuries,
what evidence there actually is implies a fixed text" (115), which was
memorized by rhapsodes (contra Rosalind Thomas, Gregory Nagy et al.).
This is an extremely rich and instructive article, that has, however,
only an indirect bearing on matters of canonization.
More pertinent to that topic is Hubert Cancik's "Standardization and
Ranking of Texts in Greek and Roman Institutions." The question he
wants to answer is, "What was the impulse that drove the Greeks to
become a canon-making species?" (117; think of the canons of the best
10 orators, 9 lyric poets, 5 [or 3] tragedians etc.). It is the
circumstances at the great festivals (such as the Panathenaia) with
their contests, both rhapsodic and dramatic, that helped to develop
criteria for ranking. In addition to that, the great theatre reform by
Lycurgus in Athens ca. 330 BCE implied a lot of standardization and
'canonization,' which went hand in hand here (plays being acted in
accordance with the text of the copies in the Athenian archives). And
the kritai of the festivals played, of course, a central role in the
ranking process. In Rome, it was the private school setting that led
to a similar kind of canon formation with, of course, Cicero and
Virgil in the Latin leading positions.
Rome, in a wide sense, is also the focus of Amiel Vardi in "Canons of
Literary Texts at Rome." He first discusses in general ancient lists
of authors (whether selective or not), then lists of authors serving
as recommended reading lists in manuals (esp. rhetorical ones, closely
connected with the theory of mimesis), and concludes that "What was
originally an enumeration of the best representative writers within a
specific genre in a given literary corpus, came to be considered a
list of archetypal examples which every future author in that genre
had to follow, and against which all future works of the type would be
evaluated" (138). Such lists often tended to become "a body of texts
every educated person should be familiar with," i.e., a canon in the
modern sense. The larger numbers of papyri found of such authors
reflect this development. A helpful chart of the various canons found
in ancient authors concludes the article.
Stroumsa's paper, "Early Christianity - A Religion of the Book?",
deals with various aspects of orality and literacy in early
Christianity and comes to the conclusion that books do not seem to
have played a major role in the early Christian mind, a conclusion
that seems to be contradicted by the revolutionary success of the
codex in early Christianity stressed by Stroumsa himself (although he
calls that the 'religion of the paperback'). The discourse of this
paper is rather theoretical and not always easy to follow. The
reference to B. Lang's publication discussed on p. 165 is missing (or
it dropped out); it is: "Buchreligion," in the Handbuch
religionswissenschaftlicher Grundbegriffe, vol. 2 (Stuttgart 1990),
143-165.
In his "The Canon of the New Testament in Antiquity," Christoph
Markschies argues for replacing the traditional picture of a great
crisis in second century Christianity as the impetus for canon
formation with the model of a laboratory: A number of different
thinkers tried to solve the same theological problems on different
levels with often the same tools; so different kinds of canons
developed. This is a somewhat rambling piece.
Robert Lamberton writes about "The Neoplatonists and Their Books." In
this eminently readable contribution, L. usefully stresses the
fundamental difference between religious canons (in the monotheistic
religions of the Book) and the aesthetic canons of Graeco-Roman
antiquity and argues that in view of the absence of religious canons
it is all the more paradoxical that in Late Antiquity some
non-philosophical works gained precisely that status among the
Neoplatonists. Of course Plato's dialogues formed the core of their
library, but gradually one finds also books of 'alien wisdom' on their
shelves (L. calls it the 'orientalism' of the Platonic 'underground'),
most prominent among them the Oracula Chaldaica. In the last two
centuries of the history of polytheist Platonism, the philosophers
discovered more and more 'parallels' between the ontology they
developed out of Plato and the ontological systems they discovered in
these theurgical documents, which they regarded as having divine
origin. Of all the books in the world Proclus wanted to preserve only
the Chaldaean Oracles and the Timaeus.
I will summarize the final four contributions more briefly. In
"Canonizing Law in Late Antiquity: Legal Constructs of Judaism in the
Theodosian Code," Hagith Sivan argues that one of the purposes and
consequences of the canonization of past and current legal decisions
by Theodosius II was the construction of Judaism as deeply alien to
Roman = Christian traditions.
D. Stern discusses "Canonization in Rabbinic Judaism." He shows, among
other things, that the process of canonization of rabbinic literature
took place through many of the same principles that midrash [=
rabbinic Bible exegesis] uses to explain Scripture. In this way "Oral
Torah acquires the 'canonical' state of being treated as Torah through
being studied and interpreted via the same techniques and
hermeneutical methods as are applied in midrashic literature to the
Written Torah" (250). This is an excellent article, and his comparison
of Homer and the Bible as prime examples of canonization is very
useful (although I disagree with Stern's statement about "the
relatively insignificant influence of Homer upon later Greek poetry
and literature," 240).
Moshe Halbertal discusses aspects of the opposition between oral
tradition and literary canon in 13th-14th century Kabbalah in his
"From Oral Tradition to Literary Canon"; and in an "Afterword" Andrew
Plaks reviews the various contributions to the volume from the outside
perspective of Chinese textual tradition. I quote from this article
the following statement, since it encapsulates exactly my main point
of criticism of this otherwise valuable work: "The editors of this
volume make an attempt to downplay the distinction between canonic
texts attributed to divine revelation and those ascribed to more
secular forms of inspiration, and they try to paper over the gap
between these two opposing concepts by falling back upon the very
vague expression 'foundational texts,' indicating not much more than
that these books are all of great cultural significance" (268).
Lamberton had in fact already made the same point. I wish this book in
the hands of many readers.
![](http://www.narod.ru/counter.xhtml)
Сайт создан в системе
uCoz